The Mindset Behind Police Officers Using Deadly Force Against Unarmed Black Men   

Suspect Race and Police Use of Deadly Force Suspect race affects numerous results in policing and the broader criminal justice system, impacting communications with law enforcement, apprehension rates, and criminal incarcerations (Kahn, Steele, McMahon, & Stewart, 2017). Racial minorities, and predominantly African-American men, are frequently found to have an unbalanced interaction with law enforcement, including unreasonable pedestrian and traffic arrests (Kahn et al., 2017). Although outcomes can be varied, suspect nationality has been shown to affect the practice of force at deadly and nondeadly stages (Kahn et al., 2017). Recent struggles to analytically record lethal force and race find comparable racial disproportions (Kahn et al., 2017). These detected racial disparities in law enforcement point to the need to better comprehend the source of these consequences, whether they be predominantly caused by nonracial situational factors or police racial attitudes (Kahn et al., 2017).

Research on law enforcement perpetrator conversations, offer important insights as to why and how police force is applied (Kahn et al., 2017). Such exchanges are evident by distinctive characteristics between law enforcement and potential perpetrators, including a disproportionate power difference in support of police and the hope that residents concede to law enforcement power (Kahn et al., 2017). When this submissiveness is not met, officers may engage in force to reinstate the power dynamic of the relationship (Kahn et al., 2017). Thus, suspect opposition is often closely related to the presentation of force. This incident was devastating and should not have ever taken place. However, nowhere in the table does it state the frequency at which the police kill people who do not have any of the weapons that are listed (“Expanded Homicide”, 2017). The FBI’s “Homicide Data Table” fails to include a category for “unarmed” or “no weapon” suspects (“Expanded Homicide”, 2017). However, it is somewhat reasonable why the table does not include statistics of unarmed individuals when killed by law enforcement, since these types of killings would not be considered “justified” (Zwach, 2015). Police Bias and the Use of Deadly Force It is oftentimes challenging to establish whether or not someone’s nationality plays a part in the communications that take place between law enforcement officers and perpetrators.

Factors that may be associated with threats, such as stereotypes about suspect race and aggression, has had a significant influence on how theses lethal confrontations take place (Sadler, Correll, Park, & Judd, 2012). However, little experimental research exists that directly connects law enforcements’ racial attitudes to their behavior with ethnic minority perpetrators (Kahn & McMahon, 2015). When time pressure was heightened by a shortened response window, the bias moved into error rates (Sadler et al., 2012). This stereotype begins to develop when an African-American is suspected of a crime (Kahn & McMahon, 2015). Police officers will begin to directly link African-Americans with criminality, making them feel immediately threatened (Kahn & McMahon, 2015). Their thought process will begin to speed up and affect how they respond and handle these types of situations (Kahn & McMahon, 2015).This can be cited with the examples of Michael Brown, Philando Castile, and the latest murder of Stephon Clark. Enough of these killings have happened to unarmed suspects that citizens can and should begin to ask more serious questions about circumstances that justify police officers using deadly force against citizens. When these unarmed Black men are shot, the primary reason the officer cites is “I was fearful of my life” (Chaney & Robertson, 2015). However, that reason is not good enough, especially when we are talking about the loss of someone’s life.

Most officers deal with feelings of fear everyday but not the type of fear that causes imminent danger to their life (Chaney & Robertson, 2015). Clearly, the murders of unarmed Black males based on fear, have had several negative results for members of the Black community (Chaney & Robertson, 2015). First, these shootings demonstrate to members of this group, that when compared with Whites, their lives have little value, and this is especially accurate when police officers that kill them are usually exempt from penalty (Chaney & Robertson, 2015). One could reasonably argue that dismissing their employment and making the law enforcement agent monetarily liable for the untimely death of an unarmed African-American, would not bring these individuals back to their families (Chaney & Robertson, 2015). Sadly, the murder of unarmed Black males by members of law enforcement is a painful reminder that Black men in America are incredulous, or culpable, until they are established as innocent (Chaney & Robertson, 2015). Whenever officers use deadly force against unarmed suspects, there is generally a natural tendency to defend their actions, even when it is clear they are in the wrong (Lee, 2004). Officers often must make instantaneous decisions and even a moment’s hesitation can prove fatal (Lee, 2004). It is nevertheless a tragedy when even one person is shot because of a mistaken belief, based upon fear, is made by an officer (Lee, 2004).

Especially when it very clear that deadly force was not necessary to avoid imminent harm (Lee, 2004). It is imperative that we try to minimize the number of fatal police shootings (Lee, 2004). Despite the victim being unarmed, excuses are always made to justify these types of police shootings (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). The victims are commonly referred to as “thugs” by media personalities, or statements such as “the officer had no choice,” are made by the general public (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). Somehow and someway, the unarmed African-American men, are to blame for their own deaths. Michael Brown is a perfect example of this type of demonization. Brown’s death ignited the “Hands Up, Don’t Shoot” mantra in consequent protests around the nation (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). Beyond the argument of behavior was that of Brown’s physical existence. Descriptions announced by the media showed Michael Brown’s physical size and shape (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). Another example of the media excusing law enforcements’ actions of killing an unarmed Black man, is the story of Tamir Rice.

Like Michael Brown, Tamir Rice’s murder was met with questions about his lifestyle and behavior (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). This puts the blame on the victim rather than the person who committed the shooting (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). The most prominent argument that was made in this case was that Tamir Rice’s mother was to blame for him being shot by the police (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). Furthermore, they began to try to invalidate Ms. Rice as a parent by bringing up the fact that she had a previous drug charge (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). The use of force has always been an integral aspect of policing (White, 2003). Instead, what matters is the officer’s “objectively reasonable” belief that there is a danger (White, 2003). Usually, police officers are given a lot of legal freedom to use force without fear of punishment (White, 2003). Experimental studies indicate that there is an underlying racial bias, in which most police officers may not even be aware. The number of police shootings of Black men is way out of proportion to the percentage of Black people in the population. Although it is clear that mistakes happen, that should never be the mindset when discussing someone’s life. When a police officer has to make a quick decision, and when he believes that his life is in danger, there is no time for logical thought.

However, it is in these exact circumstances that an unconscious bias can have the greatest impact. In order to make progress, we must first admit that as a country there is a serious problem.

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